Summary
The economy of the Rosen Commonwealth is complex and relies on hard capitalistic principles and civic values more similar to leftist ideals simultaneously. The Commonwealth hosts a massive economy with a GDP of AC28 trillion, comprising about 36% of the global economy. Through significant automation made possible by unlimited cheap energy and advanced technology, the Commonwealth leverages its massive economic power to furnish a high standard of living for its citizens.
Overview
The Rosen Commonwealth has a highly developed diversified mixed economy and is the world’s largest economy by nominal GDP. While the Rosen constitution, under Article 2.1, is intended to be moneyless, socialist, and utopian, the rapid expansion of the Rosen economy in the 2000s and 2010s resulted in a more capitalistic approach to economic, albeit with welfare provisions at a socialistic scale. The economy consists of a mix of state-owned enterprises (often called Government Corporations) with varying degrees of private and public involvement, and private enterprises. The Commonwealth’s economic growth has been nearly uninterrupted since the nation’s founding in 1990. Between 2000 and 2050, the economy of the Rosen Commonwealth grew 209%, demonstrating absurd economic growth even in the context of the post-Nuclear Crisis world. With the highest scores worldwide in Individual Income Distribution (IID) and on the Human Development Index (HDI), the Commonwealth features significant welfare provisions, including guaranteed food and housing. As a result of the aforementioned standard of living and provisions for workplace democracy, Rosens are some of the most productive workers in the world in the context of a diversified economy. Rosen economic theory is based upon Almeidaism and Hatsue Yuhara Thought, in which the highest value a producing organization can hold is dignity. The dignity principle is upheld through high corporate taxes and comprehensive systems of workplace democracy; most workers are able to elect their administrators and determine their own wages, hours, and benefits through voting.
Economic History
First Rosen Commonwealth
The First Commonwealth attempted to “move its economy leftward” in 1984 through the New Society Economic Policy (NSEP), which redistributed land from wealthy landowners to government-owned communes. Major Rosen corporations were absorbed through force and restructured as government departments designed to function within a command economy. The credibility of NSEP relied heavily on dictator Julian Rybicki’s cult of personality, which meant NSEP was never tweaked in response to failures across several areas of its competence. In turn, NSEP was a massive failure that led to the complete collapse of the Rosen economy. The rapid transition from an anarchic free-market economy to a strictly-controlled command economy led to a loss in confidence and the placement of millions of unqualified workers in the wrong positions. Famine, alongside poverty and corruption, were major effects of the failure of NSEP. As mentioned, the commune system arbitrarily put those with little to no experience in agriculture in charge of large farms, resulting in mismanagement and missed agricultural quotas. Workers were not compensated for their labor, and the government lacked the capacity to actualize constitutional social rights, resulting in a markedly unproductive, unmotivated, and unskilled workforce. Continual economic failure, coupled with a consistent disregard for human rights, and mismanagement at every level of the economy, meant that the First Commonwealth was a complete and absolute failure.
Nuclear Crisis and the Second Commonwealth
The Nuclear Crisis in late 1989 worsened the position left by the First Commonwealth because of the (obviously) complete collapse of structured society in the wake of nuclear Armageddon. The anarchy left by the Crisis led to warlord-run proto-states, which made extensive use of slave labor to support survival. Certain states clung to more commune-like systems, but the vast majority of organized society between 1990 and 1995 was run by local strongmen and their mercenaries. Meanwhile, the Transitory Commonwealth, under the leadership of prominent socialists such as Deng Liang and Cora Cavaleri, attempted to restructure the conceptions of a democratic socialist economy. Through compromise, the moneyed and moneylessness camps in the executive committee agreed to a “bilevel economy,” where the average Rosen wouldn’t engage with currency while a second, higher level, would facilitate international trade with a new currency, the Ayan Credit. The bilevel economy, as Cora Cavaleri predicted, had a difficult time maintaining its lower half. The participatory labor element was seen as insulting and too reminiscent of Rybicki’s rule to gain widespread support from Rosens. In addition, the Almeidaist concept of replacing menial labor with automation was out of reach for the Commonwealth, because importing advanced technology was unfeasible considering the total collapse of the Commonwealth’s infrastructure. Olgierd Trela, elected as the first Secretary-General of the Rosen Commonwealth in 1990, used her first